[see also The Defining Characteristic of the Global Elite]
From 1815 forward, history takes a sharp break. It was apparent to certain men at the time how different the new era was from the past.
There was an idea among educated men of many nations of the west that although Napoleon had ultimately been defeated, and the Congress of Vienna had attempted to restore the old order as much as possible, that nevertheless the old order in fact could not be restored but instead had been overthrown permanently.
In its place was an order almost as Napoleonic as if Napoleon himself were reigning as emperor of Europe. This was because above all Napoleon succeeded, as many saw it, because he was the quintessential embodiment of the spirit of the age, namely the triumph of reason and order over superstition and irrationality.
No where was this consciousness of the irreversible effects of Napoleon more felt than in Germany, which had undergone the most radical political realignment of any region of Europe during the wars.
The more dire consequence of the Napoleonic invasions and retreat had been the destruction of the the Reich (or First Reich as it was later called), after almost nine hundred years of continuous interrupted line [see note 1]. The Reich (i.e. Empire) was a loose confederated security alliance of over fifty smaller principalities, bishoprics, counties, baronies, duchies, free cities, and even a few major kingdoms, with an Imperial head. Most of these constitutent states were German speaking, but they also included notably Bohemia, which was Czech speaking. The emperor was technically elected but the seat had been held in Vienna by the King of Austria for long enough that Vienna was synonymous with the imperial capital.
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| The Reich in 1648 |
Napoleon abolished the Empire in 1806, putting in its place a rationalized German Confederation. But after the war, there was no going back again. The situation in German was permanently altered in favor of larger modern kingdoms. This included a Kingdom of Austria stripped of its imperial privilege but still the most powerful remaining German state (hence it was the seat of the conferece). It also included the Kingdom of Prussia, which was the largest post-Napoleonic German state by far. Prussia had in fact put up among the fiercest and best resistance to Napoleon among the Germans, and had been crucial to the victory at Waterloo.
Prussia was organized like a giant army throughout its society, from the king on down through the nobles to the peasants and serfs, who were still effectively bound to the land through the institution of the state. Prussians made excellent soldiers, and made up excellent fighting units. Not surprisingly, int he century after Napoleon, Prussia would eventually dominate not only the other smaller German states but even Austria.
Prussia was also where the men of thought arose, who formulated a new rational philosophy based on the historical lessons that Napoleon had taught the rest of the world, even in defeat.
The first and foremost of these men was Fichte, who had fought in the great Battle of Nations for German independence against Napoleon in 1813. It was at this battle that many Germans from throughout the empire had first developed the idea of German nationhood, in the same way that the Revolutionary French conceived of a French nation.
Fichte's pupil was Hegel, who would hold the chair of the philosophy department in Berlin for many years. Hegel attempted a post-Kantian theory of history, which was highly influence to Marx, who was formulated a theory of history that was essentially Hegelian in character.
This explains the Marxian fascination for Napoleon as the ultimate actor of history. He is the embodiment of the idea of praxis, in that he by his actions actually crafts history by his will.
It also should furnish enough information to understand why Marxist philosophy, as it has evolved since Marx to the present moment, is the core philosophy of enlightenment of the elite. To be enlightened in a Marxist sense, and to be included in certain circles of great power, is to be a master of dialectic of the itself, to place oneself among the select few with ability to craft the transition from one great historical age to the next.
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| Hegel |
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